“The UNSC elections are becoming much more competitive than many expected,” a Kyrgyz diplomat said.
If successful, Kyrgyzstan will become only the second Central Asian nation to serve on the Security Council, following Kazakhstan’s term in 2017-2018.
The Philippines, by contrast, has served four times – in 1957, 1963, 1980-1981 and 2004-2005. A founding member of ASEAN and a U.S. treaty ally, its strategic location near Taiwan has made it central to Washington’s efforts to strengthen deterrence against China.
While permanent members traditionally avoid publicly declaring preferences, a Philippine diplomat said it was only natural for Washington to back Manila. “The other side is supported by China and Russia,” the diplomat said, adding that countries should be on “the right side of history.”
Kyrgyzstan, however, has been working to shift that perception. Last month, it appointed Deputy Prime Minister Edil Baisalov as ambassador to Washington – an unusually high-profile move that underscores the importance Bishkek attaches to the race.
On May 25, Baisalov presented his credentials to US President Donald Trump in the Oval Office, making a direct pitch. Trump wished him well, according to sources. Two days later, Baisalov met Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia Paul Kapur to reinforce Kyrgyzstan’s case.
Meanwhile, in New York, Foreign Minister Zheenbek Kulubaev has been actively engaging counterparts from Uruguay, Cuba, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Serbia, Bahrain and China as part of an intensified diplomatic push.
In mid-May, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov set out his case in a lengthy Facebook post, arguing that the country’s candidacy addresses a broader imbalance within the UN system.
“The continued existence of imbalances in the Council, especially the insufficient participation of small, developing, and landlocked states, undermines the stability of the entire architecture of collective security,” he wrote.
Pointing to Central Asia’s recent progress in resolving border disputes “exclusively through peaceful means,” Japarov said the region offers a model showing that “even the most sensitive security issues can be resolved through negotiations and mutual consideration of interests.”
Winning a Security Council seat requires a two-thirds majority in the General Assembly — typically around 125 votes. Kyrgyzstan’s strategy is to block a first-round victory and push the contest into multiple ballots, where positions can shift and diplomatic trade-offs intensify.
It has secured the endorsement of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and most of its 57 members, with the notable exception of Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei, which have pledged support to their fellow ASEAN member.
Bishkek has also invested heavily in outreach to African states, promising alignment with African Union priorities and broader Global South concerns.
Ultimately, the Philippines-Kyrgyzstan contest is not simply about qualifications measured by traditional metrics. It is about what kind of world the United Nations believes it represents — and where it sees the center of geopolitical gravity: the Indo-Pacific or the Eurasian heartland.
The geopolitical map is shifting. The vast Eurasian landmass — stretching from Eastern Europe through Central Asia to Western China — is no longer a passive space between great powers.
It is increasingly a central arena where influence is contested, borders are negotiated and new forms of cooperation are taking shape.